A day in the Life . . . Day 1
Probably the most common question that Esther and I get, especially when we
are back in Canada is : ³So, what it is that you do anyway.²
Well, we thought we¹d blog a few of our days in the next little while.
I¹ll start.
Tuesday, August 23
Today was a fairly relaxed day, at least to get started. The plan was to
meet with 3 of my colleagues. We were preparing to head off to the northern
part of the country to lead a workshop on how to run a tree nursery. That¹s
a big part of work here helping communities produce trees through
community based tree nurseries. We would like to expand this work, and one
of the ways we hope to do that is by training other local organizations to
help them get started on the same path.
Our meeting was set for 9, so I headed down to the MCC office here in Dezam
at around 7:30. It¹s about a 15 minute walk from our house to the office,
through the local market which was just getting going for the day. Before
the meeting got started I prepared a few last minute documents that we were
going to use for the training. I also started to gather some of the
materials we would need to help us in the workshop. Our meeting started at
about 9:20. We went through some last minute things and we¹re set to go. I
placed a call to the people from another organization who were to meet us
enroute. They were leaving from Port-au-Prince, to meet us in Pont Sonde,
approximately a 2-3 hour drive. We are only about 30 minutes away, so I
wanted to make sure they were on the way before we left. Well, apparently
they were having problems with a tire and hadn¹t even left yet. So we had
to sit tight for a while. Another call about 45 minutes later, and they
still hadn¹t left. We started to get a bit worried about the time, because
with the rain at this time of year, the roads can be pretty bad. We had a
7-8 hour drive ahead of us, so we didn¹t want to leave late, hit rain and
arrive in the dark. We decided to go ahead without the second vehicle from
Port, even though it would have been preferable to drive together.
The roads were rough, very rough, but thankfully we didn¹t encounter any
major problems. We arrived in Bassin-Bleu, where we were supposed to find a
small hotel to stay the night. The person from the other organization the
one in the vehicle a few hours behind us - said we could get a room there.
Alas, no rooms available. We walked down to the local CARE office because
someone had mentioned that they had a guesthouse. Indeed they did, but they
needed prior authorization from their head office in Port, and besides, they
didn¹t have enough room for all of us. So, we made a quick decision to
keep driving to Port de Paix. (For those of you who have Haiti maps close
by, Port de Paix is on the north coast, more on the western side). That was
another 2 hours from where we were, so we had to get moving to arrive before
dark.
We arrived in Port de Paix. I was the only one in the group who had been
there before, but the last time we had a local person arranging everything
for us, and we stayed in a pretty nice hotel on the outskirts of town. We
didn¹t have the budget to pay $60 US a night, so we had to drive around and
find a place in town. We did manage to find something after a while, but it
wasn¹t exactly the nicest place. I had single room and had to use the
public bathroom in the hall. The bathroom was a bit gross, with only half a
seat on the toilet! It was pretty hot too, but the fan did take the bit off
that. Had a pretty crappy dinner of chicken and banan peze.
So, that was the day. A little office work and short meeting in the morning.
And then 8 hours of driving and having to wing it to find a hotel in Port de
Paix. By the way, Dezam to Port de Paix was exactly 160 km. 8 hours to
drive 160 km. Welcome to Haiti, and a day in the life . . . of Matt.
Tuesday, August 30, 2005
A Day in the Life . . . 1
Saturday, August 20, 2005
Sunday, July 17, 2005
Aristide in Exile
This is a recent article that appeared on rabble.ca. It's interesting,
which is why we post it here. This doesn't mean I agree, nor does it mean
that MCC endorses it.
Matt
Aristide in exile
>by Naomi Klein
July 15, 2005
When United Nations troops kill residents of the Haitian slum Cité Soleil,
friends and family often place photographs of exiled President Jean-Bertrand
Aristide on their bodies. The photographs silently insist that there is a
method to the madness raging in Port-au-Prince. Poor Haitians are being
slaughtered not for being ³violent,² as we so often hear, but for being
militant; for daring to demand the return of their elected president.
It was only ten years ago that President Clinton celebrated Aristide's
return to power as ³the triumph of freedom over fear.² So what changed?
Corruption? Violence? Fraud? Aristide is certainly no saint. But even if the
worst of the allegations are true, they pale next to the rap sheets of the
convicted killers, drug smugglers and arms traders who ousted Aristide and
continue to enjoy free rein, with full support from the Bush Administration
and the UN. Turning Haiti over to this underworld gang out of concern for
Aristide's lack of ³good governance² is like escaping an annoying date by
accepting a lift home from Charles Manson.
A few weeks ago I visited Aristide in Pretoria, South Africa, where he lives
in forced exile. I asked him what was really behind his dramatic falling-out
with Washington. He offered an explanation rarely heard in discussions of
Haitian politics ‹ actually, he offered three: ³privatization, privatization
and privatization.²
The dispute dates back to a series of meetings in early 1994, a pivotal
moment in Haiti's history that Aristide has rarely discussed. Haitians were
living under the barbaric rule of Raoul Cédras, who overthrew Aristide in a
1991 U.S.-backed coup. Aristide was in Washington and despite popular calls
for his return, there was no way he could face down the junta without
military back-up. Increasingly embarrassed by Cédras's abuses, the Clinton
Administration offered Aristide a deal: U.S. troops would take him back to
Haiti ‹ but only after he agreed to a sweeping economic program with the
stated goal to ³substantially transform the nature of the Haitian state.²
Aristide agreed to pay the debts accumulated under the kleptocratic Duvalier
dictatorships, slash the civil service, open up Haiti to ³free trade² and
cut import tariffs on rice and corn in half. It was a lousy deal but,
Aristide says, he had little choice. ³I was out of my country and my country
was the poorest in the Western hemisphere, so what kind of power did I have
at that time?²
But Washington's negotiators made one demand that Aristide could not accept:
the immediate sell-off of Haiti's state-owned enterprises, including phones
and electricity. Aristide argued that unregulated privatization would
transform state monopolies into private oligarchies, increasing the riches
of Haiti's elite and stripping the poor of their national wealth. He says
the proposal simply didn't add up: ³Being honest means saying two plus two
equals four. They wanted us to sing two plus two equals five.²
Aristide proposed a compromise: Rather than sell off the firms outright, he
would ³democratize² them. He defined this as writing antitrust legislation,
insuring that proceeds from the sales were redistributed to the poor and
allowing workers to become shareholders. Washington backed down, and the
final text of the agreement ‹ accepted by the United States and by a meeting
of donor nations in Paris ‹ called for the ³democratization² of state
companies.
But when Aristide began to implement the plan, it turned out that the
financiers in Washington thought his democratization talk was just public
relations. When Aristide announced that no sales could take place until
Parliament had approved the new laws, Washington cried foul. Aristide says
he realized then that what was being attempted was an ³economic coup.² ³The
hidden agenda was to tie my hands once I was back and make me give for
nothing all the state public enterprises.² He threatened to arrest anyone
who went ahead with privatizations. ³Washington was very angry at me. They
said I didn't respect my word, when they were the ones who didn't respect
our common economic policy.²
Aristide's relationship with Washington has been deteriorating ever since:
While more than $500 million in promised loans and aid were cut off,
starving his government, USAID poured millions into the coffers of
opposition groups, culminating ultimately in the February 2004 armed coup.
And the war continues. On June 23, Roger Noriega, assistant secretary of
state for Western Hemisphere affairs, called on UN troops to take a more
³proactive role² in going after armed pro-Aristide gangs. In practice, this
has meant a wave of Falluja-like collective punishment inflicted on
neighborhoods known for supporting Aristide. On July 6, for instance, 300 UN
troops stormed Cité Soleil, blocking off exits and firing from armored
vehicles. The UN admits that five were killed, but residents put the number
of dead at no fewer than 20. Reuters correspondent Joseph Guyler Delva says
he ³saw seven bodies in one house alone, including two babies and one older
woman in her 60s.² Ali Besnaci, head of Médecins Sans Frontières in Haiti,
confirmed that on the day of the siege 27 people came to the MSF clinic with
gunshot wounds, three-quarters of them women and children.
Yet despite these attacks, Haitians are still on the streets ‹ rejecting the
planned sham elections, opposing privatization and holding up photographs of
their president. And just as Washington's experts could not fathom the
possibility that Aristide would reject their advice a decade ago, today they
cannot accept that his poor supporters could be acting of their own accord ‹
surely Aristide must be controlling them through some mysterious voodoo
arts. ³We believe that his people are receiving instructions directly from
his voice and indirectly through his acolytes that communicate with him
personally in South Africa,² Noriega said.
Aristide claims no such powers. ³The people are bright, the people are
intelligent, the people are courageous,² he says. They know that two plus
two does not equal five.
Naomi Klein is the author of No Logo and Fences and Windows. This column has
appeared in The Nation.
Friday, July 15, 2005
Adventures in Haiti - 4
Adventures in Haiti - 4
July 15, 2005
Dear friends, family, colleagues, distant contacts and anyone else whose
email address got onto our email list:
You haven't heard from us in a while . . . but life is still sweet and green
(The rain is here, even if it's not in Southern Ontario). Since you heard
from us last (which we can't remember when it was) we've been pretty busy.
In the last few months we have:
- done a few seminars and a whole bunch of visits to the tree nurseries.
It's always fun to visit, thin, transplant, compact, and degarni mangoes
with the committees, see all the trees coming up and getting hyped about
giving the trees to people in the communities
- visited churches in each of the communities to mobilize and educate them
about the distribution of trees.
- finished the first round of tree distributions in the 21 communities where
MCC works. Thus far, 291,000 tree seedlings have been distributed. We hope
to hit 400,000 by mid August.
- Handed out certificates to our 138 students (from 4 local schools) in
environmental education for the 2004-05 school year. Highlights were
visiting forests, writing letters to the Haitian minister of the environment
reminding him to protect Haiti's forests, eating and planting mangoes,
planting trees in the schoolyard on the last day of school.
Big plans to expand the program to make it more hands-on and participatory
by marrying it with the tree nurseries are taking shape. In the past
months, each of 21 tree nurseries choose a school that they'd like to work
with. We'll choose 10 to start with this year. This means we're training
the teachers to do the teaching (this year and previously, Esther and
Francklin were teaching). Esther is tying herself to a chair to write the
curriculum and training planned for the first week of September.
By September, we will also have a new person to replace Francklin to work
hand in hand with Esther to support the teachers, the students, and their
visits to the tree nurseries.
- went on a retreat with our MCC colleagues. The first year that we went as
a whole team (Nationals and Expats). It was a lovely few days on a remote
island off the coast. Great food! Air conditioning! Amazing showers! Lovely
beaches! Ahhhhh . . . . life in the Caribbean. But we were happy to come
home to the valley (Artibonite) again.
- we've also been getting more and more settled into our MCC team, our house
that we moved into in January, and our community. It's both rewarding and
challenging to be more and more "known" in our community. Becoming more
proficient in Creole, being comfortable walking around everywhere and
talking to the neighbour through the cactus fence is fun . . . but having to
talk to everyone and face the barrage of demands and kids yelling at you
isn't always fun. Life really isn't fair.
The big news is that a new soccer field has gone up across the road from us
and there are organized games there every few days with Kompa Kreyol (music)
and snacks for sale. It's 10 gourdes to get in (about 25 cents) but we can
watch from our front yard for free. Next time y'all visit, we'll try to
arrange a match for you to watch. We are thrilled to be part of the crowd
and not what the crowd is watching.
In other news . . .
- registration for elections has started. This is a positive development,
but many people feel like the elections won't happen on schedule. Port au
Prince is still having some problems. The presence of UN troops helps
sometimes, but also hinders sometimes. There is talk of the US Marines
coming in again.
- two hurricanes just passed through - Denis and Emily. We got a few heavy
rainstorms, but nothing too bad. The south of Haiti, typically, was hit much
harder and people died when a bridge collapsed and there are always issues
of drainage due to lots of plastic (imported mostly- blah). These two
storms mark the beginning of the storm season, and are also a reminder of
last fall's devastating floods in Gonaives.
Ok, that's the news from Desarmes. We hope and pray that your lives are also
enriching you and those around you. Please let us know how you are all doing
and what exciting things are happening in your lives.
If you want to, you can visit our blog site. We just uploaded a bunch of new
pictures there. You can also go back and read some articles that we put up
a few months ago. We'd especially encourage you to read the ones that detail
the current human rights and political situation in the country.
http://www.mattandestherinhaiti.blogspot.com
Be well. Love and peace to everyone.
Matt van Geest and Esther deGroot
MCC Haiti
Saturday, May 28, 2005
Wednesday, May 25, 2005
Thursday, May 19, 2005
HAITI: The National Network for the Defense of Human Rights (RNDDH)
MCC works very closely with a Haitian human rights organization called
RNDDH. We just posted an article on our blog site
(http://www.mattandestherinhaiti.blogspot.com) that outlines their work in a
very challenging situation. Visit their website too, to find out more.
http://www.rnddh.org
You can also sign up for their english language email newsletter if you are
interested in learning more about the human rights situation in Haiti.
Hope all is well with you.
Matt and Esther, with MCC, in Haiti
Human Rights in Haiti
The National Network for the Defense of Human Rights (RNDDH) reconfirms its mission to promote, protect and defend fundamental human rights of all Haitians regardless of socio-economic status, political and/or religious affiliation, gender or sex. Through its persistent and rigorous condemnation of reported and documented human rights violations, and through its efforts to contribute to reform key State institutions, RNDDH is striving towards the creation of a human rights culture in Haiti.
In a country such as Haiti, where the foothold of society is impunity, corruption, and violence, the need for objective and credible human rights organisations is essential : an organisation whose work remains consistent during periods of political unrest and regime changes ; an organisation that respects the guiding principles of confidentiality, accuracy, and impartiality.
In seeking justice and the establishment of the Rule of Law, RNDDH's human rights monitoring activities seek to find and uncover the truth so that justice may prevail. Furthermore, RNDDH seeks reform and improvement in the functioning and professionalism of State institutions. and this frightens many of the actors involved who profit from the state of impunity and corruption that Haitians continue to live under today.
One of RNDDH's primary roles is and always has been to accompany the Haitian people in their quest for justice. Not aligned with any government, local or foreign, this role remains consistent regardless of the government in place,and especially in circumstances where human rights are being systematically and blatantly violated.
Today, RNDDH is doing the same challenging work it did under the military government of the coup from 1991 - 1994, ; the same work that it did once constitutional order was returned in 1994 until 2000 ; and the same work it did during the three (3) years of Jean Bertrand Aristide's latest presidency, from 2001 - 2004. RNDDH did not turn a blind eye to the violent crimes perpetrated during the coup years nor did it turn away fromresponding to the systematic human rights violations committed under the previous Lavalas government.
Criticisms of the Current Interim Government
In the early days following its installation, the Boniface-Latortue government promised the Haitian people that one (1) of its priorities would be to tackle the problem of impunity. For several months now, this has proved to be an empty promise, and RNDDH has been openly critical of the government's lack of action. More than three thousand (3,000) prisoners were released from Haitian prisons across the country in the weeks prior to 29 February 2004, many of whom were serving time for crimes committed during the coup d'état. The majority of these prisoners still remain at large today as the government has not adopted any significant measures to ensure that they are re-apprehended and placed under state control.
The non-guilty verdict in the Louis-Jodel Chamblain mockery of a trial in August 2004 only further solidified the growing belief that not only would this government not keep its promise to fight against impunity, but that it would continue to promote it with its actions. (See http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=192)
RNDDH has also expressed its concern over the posting of high-ranking members of the former military officials to high-level positions within the current government and has been highly critical of the interim government's laxed attitude towards the ever-present threat posed by the united members of the former Haitian Armed Forces. Lavalas lobbying campaign in North America against Haitian Human Rights Organisations
In recent weeks and months, a pro-Lavalas campaign has been taking root in Canada and the United States. Many of those aligned with the campaign do not clearly understand the complex reality in Haiti while many others fully understand yet continue to fuel the movement. Unfounded messages purporting subjective beliefs, presenting half truths as solid facts, and sadly misrepresenting the situation in Haiti are being widely circulated as truth.
It is difficult to deny the increase in insecurity and indiscriminate violence within capital since the September 2004 launch of the self-proclaimed Lavalas movement in several of the densely populated neighborhoods pledging allegiance to former President Aristide and demanding his return. The groups behind the movement were the Lavalas government's "henchmen" - paid and supplied with weapons to repress opposition to the government. The violence has left hundreds dead and wounded, homes and property damaged, and entire neighborhoods held hostage.
Despite difficult access to many of these neighborhoods, RNDDH has been able to establish contact with individuals living in these areas, as well as with victims and/or their families seeking assistance from the organization.
Assistance to Victims of Human Rights Violations
Contrary to charges that the organsation only helps certain sectors of society, RNDDH's office is open to any and all victims of violence and huma rights violations and/or their families. This is demonstrated in the more than one thousand (1,000) individuals that sought help in 2004 alone, of which more than fifty percent (50%) were assisted in one form or another.
More than three hundred (300) individuals and/or families identified as being affiliated with the Lavalas party who were victims of violence have been assisted by RNDDH within the past four (4) years. Assistance includes legal counsel, financial assistance, coverage of medical expenses alternative housing arrangements, and/or accompanyingment at the level of the high-ranking police and/or judicial officials.
Some of the Lavalas cases RNDDH have treated have been very public cases such as the murder of Lavalas official, Cléonor Souverain (and four (4) family members, inluding two (2) of his children ; one of his children was left permanently handicapped) in the Central Plateau, and the 20 March 2004 summary execution by Haitian National Police officers of five (5) young men from La Saline (Port-au-Prince), known to be Lavalas supporters. RNDDH also publicly denounced and intervened in the arbitrary and illegal arrest of Maxon Guerrier, former mayor of Delmas which led to his eventual release, investigated and denounced the police brutality used by the police during the arrest of Lavalas activitst Reverend Gérard Jean Juste, and intervened in the case of musician Jean Renald Bruno (alias Tipaille), which resulted in his release from police custody.
Other Lavalas victim cases - like most of RNDDH's cases - have remained confidential, closed to the public at the request of the victims for variou reasons, including security.
Furthermore, RNDDH has been concerned for some time now regarding the waves of arrests being carried out primarily in Lavalas strongholds such as Bel Air, Fort National, La Saline, and Cite Soleil. Since September 2004, RNDDH increased its number of delegations to several police stations within the metropolitan area in response to these arrests. General monitoring and specific investigations into the cases of those arrested has led to RNDDH's public denounciations of the systematic violations of many of these individuals' basic rights. In many of these cases, family members of those arrested have made their way to the RNDDH office to solicit help. Examples of cases such as these are explained in RNDDH's 3 Frebruary 2005 report entitled Continuing Climate of Violence and Insecurity, and Human Rights Violations of Individuals in Custody at http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=218.
The La Scierie Massacre and the Incarceration of Former Prime Minister, Yvon Neptune
What took place in La Scierie (St. Marc) from 11 - 29 February 2004 has been identified as the biggest killing spree that took place under the Lavalas government. (based on the information that RNDDH has gathered regarding number of individuals killed and/or disappeared, women raped, damage and destruction). RNDDH also has sufficient reason to believe that it wa planned at the highest levels of government.
NCHR-Haiti/RNDDH began documenting the massacre immediately identifying victims and documenting the losses, and assisted victims and/or their family members to form a victims' associate - AVIGES. RNDDH also provided legal councell for the victims and provided material and financial aid. RNDDH is not one of the plaintiffs in the complaint filed with judicial authorties, and thus it is wrongly assumed that RNDDH is responsible for Mr. Neptune's incarceration. Furthermore, no one on RNDDH's staff is a practicing judge within the judicial system, so again, RNDDH is not responsible for his incarceration.
RNDDH is sincerely concerned about Mr. Neptune's current state of health. It is troubling to know that his health has deteriorated significantly and that potential serious problems could arise. It is imperative that the Haitian government take the necessary measures as swiftly as possible to ensure that his condition does not deteriorate any further and that, on the contrary, his health can improve. A turn for the worse in the case of Mr. Neptune would be a senseless tragedy.
In the case of Mr. Neptune, RNDDH has never accused him of being directly implicated in the La Scierie Massacre, nor has it ever accused him of murder. As then Prime Minister and President of the Superior Council of the PNH, we believe that Mr. Neptune has information on and explanations to giveregarding the massacre.
For these reasons, RNDDH believes that Mr. Neptune - like all others – must respond to questions put before him by the Haitian Judiciary, more specifically by the judge assigned to the case. However, Mr. Neptune continually refuses to respond to the summons of the judge and appear before her to answer questions related to the incidents in La Scierie. He has bee called four (4) times thus far and each time he is summoned he has restarted the hungerstrike. Finally, prison authorities had to use force to take him to St. Marc to respond to the judge's questions. Mr. Neptune resisted, biting a female prison guard on the arm (see attached photo) and pushed another prison guard to the ground and assaulted two (2) prison guards.
This is a case for the Haitian judiciary and this is where RNDDH's other concerns come into play. In its efforts to contribute to the establishment of the rule of law in Haiti, RNDDH has always demanded a clear separation of the three (3) branches of power, highlighting the widely accepted principle for the need for an independent judiciary. The Lavalas government under Aristide had little respect for this principle and blatantly used the Haitian Judiciary as a tool of manipulation and oppression. This is generally accepted fact - internationally as well as domestically.
Just as RNDDH condemned the Lavalas government's manipulation and influence over the Judiciary, so, too, RNDDH must condemn similar actions committed by the interim government. To do otherwise would be hypocritical and partisan. Decisions regarding Mr. Neptune's case must be decided by the Haitian
Judiciary.
Unfortunately, the current state of the Haitian Judiciary is unacceptable. It is the role of the government to reform the judiciary, to reinforce its work, and create conditions conducive to performing the tasks at hand. The interim government has done little, if anything, in terms of judicial reform. Haitian prisons are overflowing with individuals whose rights are being violated on a daily basis. Cases are not being investigated by theappropriate judicial authorities and individuals are forced to remain in inhumane conditions in detention centres across the country. (Please refer to RNDDH's various reports, most specifically its most recent report published on 3 February 2005.)
Neptune's case, like more than ninety percent (90%) of those in prison, is taking far too long to be dealt with and decided on. This, as in the case of all prisoners in the same situation, is completely unacceptable, and it remains the same situation as the one faced during the time that the Lavalas regime was in power.
An RNDDH delegation, granted special access accompanied by the Director of the Penitentiary Administration Authority (DAP), visited the new Penitentiary Annex on the morning of 27 April 2005. The purpose was to monitor the conditions, physical state of the building, and the situation of individuals being detained there. We observed the detention of five (5 individuals : Yvon Neptune, Amanus Amayette, Jackson Joanis, Louis Jodel Chamblain, and Jacques Mathélier. Unfortunately the delegation was unable to see Mr. Neptune as he was being consulted by a delegation of doctors from the International Red Cross. However, the Director of DAP confided that Mr. Neptune's health was extremely precarious.
On 30 April, the government was prepared to make arrangements to evacuate Mr. Neptune to the Dominican Republic to receive medical treatment. Mr. Neptune refused to go unless the government dismissed all charges against him. As this was not one of the options being presented by the government, Mr. Neptune was never evacated.
It is RNDDH's sincere hope that the government reacts swiftly and appropriately in ensuring that the Mr. Neptune's situation does not worsen, taking the necessary measures to save his life.
Committment to the Stuggle
As an organisation engaged in the struggle for the protection and respect of the rights of all people, one of RNDDH's concerns is the respect of the rights of those being detained in prison. We believe that pressure must be placed on the government to ensure that fundamental rights are respected throughout the country.
RNDDH is disturbed that the greatest demand of the Haitian people – forj ustice - is being ignored by a government ruling in a country where murder, crime, and human rights violations are commonplace. RNDDH renews its committment to the human rights struggle in Haiti and its dedication to witnessing the day when Haitian mothers no longer weep over their sons' mutilated bodies trying to make sense of the senseless work of politically motivated police officers ; when justice is not for sale, and murderers, drug dealers, and rapists pay their debt to society ; when those incarcerated in Haitian prisons are treated with the full respect and dignity that is owed them ; and the day when all Haitians live in a culture of tolerance and human rights where those rights are known and are fully enjoyed by each and every Haitian.
Pierre Esperance