Saturday, May 28, 2005

Thursday, May 19, 2005

HAITI: The National Network for the Defense of Human Rights (RNDDH)

MCC works very closely with a Haitian human rights organization called
RNDDH. We just posted an article on our blog site
(http://www.mattandestherinhaiti.blogspot.com) that outlines their work in a
very challenging situation. Visit their website too, to find out more.

http://www.rnddh.org

You can also sign up for their english language email newsletter if you are
interested in learning more about the human rights situation in Haiti.

Hope all is well with you.

Matt and Esther, with MCC, in Haiti

Human Rights in Haiti

Unwavering dedication in the face of constant adversity: RNDDH, formerly NCHR-Haiti, reaffirms its objectivity and renewed commitment to the establishment of the Rule of Law in Haiti
The National Network for the Defense of Human Rights (RNDDH) reconfirms its mission to promote, protect and defend fundamental human rights of all Haitians regardless of socio-economic status, political and/or religious affiliation, gender or sex. Through its persistent and rigorous condemnation of reported and documented human rights violations, and through its efforts to contribute to reform key State institutions, RNDDH is striving towards the creation of a human rights culture in Haiti.
In a country such as Haiti, where the foothold of society is impunity, corruption, and violence, the need for objective and credible human rights organisations is essential : an organisation whose work remains consistent during periods of political unrest and regime changes ; an organisation that respects the guiding principles of confidentiality, accuracy, and impartiality.
In seeking justice and the establishment of the Rule of Law, RNDDH's human rights monitoring activities seek to find and uncover the truth so that justice may prevail. Furthermore, RNDDH seeks reform and improvement in the functioning and professionalism of State institutions. and this frightens many of the actors involved who profit from the state of impunity and corruption that Haitians continue to live under today.
One of RNDDH's primary roles is and always has been to accompany the Haitian people in their quest for justice. Not aligned with any government, local or foreign, this role remains consistent regardless of the government in place,and especially in circumstances where human rights are being systematically and blatantly violated.
Today, RNDDH is doing the same challenging work it did under the military government of the coup from 1991 - 1994, ; the same work that it did once constitutional order was returned in 1994 until 2000 ; and the same work it did during the three (3) years of Jean Bertrand Aristide's latest presidency, from 2001 - 2004. RNDDH did not turn a blind eye to the violent crimes perpetrated during the coup years nor did it turn away fromresponding to the systematic human rights violations committed under the previous Lavalas government.
Criticisms of the Current Interim Government
In the early days following its installation, the Boniface-Latortue government promised the Haitian people that one (1) of its priorities would be to tackle the problem of impunity. For several months now, this has proved to be an empty promise, and RNDDH has been openly critical of the government's lack of action. More than three thousand (3,000) prisoners were released from Haitian prisons across the country in the weeks prior to 29 February 2004, many of whom were serving time for crimes committed during the coup d'état. The majority of these prisoners still remain at large today as the government has not adopted any significant measures to ensure that they are re-apprehended and placed under state control.
The non-guilty verdict in the Louis-Jodel Chamblain mockery of a trial in August 2004 only further solidified the growing belief that not only would this government not keep its promise to fight against impunity, but that it would continue to promote it with its actions. (See http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=192)
RNDDH has also expressed its concern over the posting of high-ranking members of the former military officials to high-level positions within the current government and has been highly critical of the interim government's laxed attitude towards the ever-present threat posed by the united members of the former Haitian Armed Forces. Lavalas lobbying campaign in North America against Haitian Human Rights Organisations
In recent weeks and months, a pro-Lavalas campaign has been taking root in Canada and the United States. Many of those aligned with the campaign do not clearly understand the complex reality in Haiti while many others fully understand yet continue to fuel the movement. Unfounded messages purporting subjective beliefs, presenting half truths as solid facts, and sadly misrepresenting the situation in Haiti are being widely circulated as truth.
It is difficult to deny the increase in insecurity and indiscriminate violence within capital since the September 2004 launch of the self-proclaimed Lavalas movement in several of the densely populated neighborhoods pledging allegiance to former President Aristide and demanding his return. The groups behind the movement were the Lavalas government's "henchmen" - paid and supplied with weapons to repress opposition to the government. The violence has left hundreds dead and wounded, homes and property damaged, and entire neighborhoods held hostage.
Despite difficult access to many of these neighborhoods, RNDDH has been able to establish contact with individuals living in these areas, as well as with victims and/or their families seeking assistance from the organization.
Assistance to Victims of Human Rights Violations
Contrary to charges that the organsation only helps certain sectors of society, RNDDH's office is open to any and all victims of violence and huma rights violations and/or their families. This is demonstrated in the more than one thousand (1,000) individuals that sought help in 2004 alone, of which more than fifty percent (50%) were assisted in one form or another.
More than three hundred (300) individuals and/or families identified as being affiliated with the Lavalas party who were victims of violence have been assisted by RNDDH within the past four (4) years. Assistance includes legal counsel, financial assistance, coverage of medical expenses alternative housing arrangements, and/or accompanyingment at the level of the high-ranking police and/or judicial officials.
Some of the Lavalas cases RNDDH have treated have been very public cases such as the murder of Lavalas official, Cléonor Souverain (and four (4) family members, inluding two (2) of his children ; one of his children was left permanently handicapped) in the Central Plateau, and the 20 March 2004 summary execution by Haitian National Police officers of five (5) young men from La Saline (Port-au-Prince), known to be Lavalas supporters. RNDDH also publicly denounced and intervened in the arbitrary and illegal arrest of Maxon Guerrier, former mayor of Delmas which led to his eventual release, investigated and denounced the police brutality used by the police during the arrest of Lavalas activitst Reverend Gérard Jean Juste, and intervened in the case of musician Jean Renald Bruno (alias Tipaille), which resulted in his release from police custody.
Other Lavalas victim cases - like most of RNDDH's cases - have remained confidential, closed to the public at the request of the victims for variou reasons, including security.
Furthermore, RNDDH has been concerned for some time now regarding the waves of arrests being carried out primarily in Lavalas strongholds such as Bel Air, Fort National, La Saline, and Cite Soleil. Since September 2004, RNDDH increased its number of delegations to several police stations within the metropolitan area in response to these arrests. General monitoring and specific investigations into the cases of those arrested has led to RNDDH's public denounciations of the systematic violations of many of these individuals' basic rights. In many of these cases, family members of those arrested have made their way to the RNDDH office to solicit help. Examples of cases such as these are explained in RNDDH's 3 Frebruary 2005 report entitled Continuing Climate of Violence and Insecurity, and Human Rights Violations of Individuals in Custody at http://www.rnddh.org/article.php3?id_article=218.
The La Scierie Massacre and the Incarceration of Former Prime Minister, Yvon Neptune
What took place in La Scierie (St. Marc) from 11 - 29 February 2004 has been identified as the biggest killing spree that took place under the Lavalas government. (based on the information that RNDDH has gathered regarding number of individuals killed and/or disappeared, women raped, damage and destruction). RNDDH also has sufficient reason to believe that it wa planned at the highest levels of government.
NCHR-Haiti/RNDDH began documenting the massacre immediately identifying victims and documenting the losses, and assisted victims and/or their family members to form a victims' associate - AVIGES. RNDDH also provided legal councell for the victims and provided material and financial aid. RNDDH is not one of the plaintiffs in the complaint filed with judicial authorties, and thus it is wrongly assumed that RNDDH is responsible for Mr. Neptune's incarceration. Furthermore, no one on RNDDH's staff is a practicing judge within the judicial system, so again, RNDDH is not responsible for his incarceration.
RNDDH is sincerely concerned about Mr. Neptune's current state of health. It is troubling to know that his health has deteriorated significantly and that potential serious problems could arise. It is imperative that the Haitian government take the necessary measures as swiftly as possible to ensure that his condition does not deteriorate any further and that, on the contrary, his health can improve. A turn for the worse in the case of Mr. Neptune would be a senseless tragedy.
In the case of Mr. Neptune, RNDDH has never accused him of being directly implicated in the La Scierie Massacre, nor has it ever accused him of murder. As then Prime Minister and President of the Superior Council of the PNH, we believe that Mr. Neptune has information on and explanations to giveregarding the massacre.
For these reasons, RNDDH believes that Mr. Neptune - like all others – must respond to questions put before him by the Haitian Judiciary, more specifically by the judge assigned to the case. However, Mr. Neptune continually refuses to respond to the summons of the judge and appear before her to answer questions related to the incidents in La Scierie. He has bee called four (4) times thus far and each time he is summoned he has restarted the hungerstrike. Finally, prison authorities had to use force to take him to St. Marc to respond to the judge's questions. Mr. Neptune resisted, biting a female prison guard on the arm (see attached photo) and pushed another prison guard to the ground and assaulted two (2) prison guards.
This is a case for the Haitian judiciary and this is where RNDDH's other concerns come into play. In its efforts to contribute to the establishment of the rule of law in Haiti, RNDDH has always demanded a clear separation of the three (3) branches of power, highlighting the widely accepted principle for the need for an independent judiciary. The Lavalas government under Aristide had little respect for this principle and blatantly used the Haitian Judiciary as a tool of manipulation and oppression. This is generally accepted fact - internationally as well as domestically.
Just as RNDDH condemned the Lavalas government's manipulation and influence over the Judiciary, so, too, RNDDH must condemn similar actions committed by the interim government. To do otherwise would be hypocritical and partisan. Decisions regarding Mr. Neptune's case must be decided by the Haitian
Judiciary.
Unfortunately, the current state of the Haitian Judiciary is unacceptable. It is the role of the government to reform the judiciary, to reinforce its work, and create conditions conducive to performing the tasks at hand. The interim government has done little, if anything, in terms of judicial reform. Haitian prisons are overflowing with individuals whose rights are being violated on a daily basis. Cases are not being investigated by theappropriate judicial authorities and individuals are forced to remain in inhumane conditions in detention centres across the country. (Please refer to RNDDH's various reports, most specifically its most recent report published on 3 February 2005.)
Neptune's case, like more than ninety percent (90%) of those in prison, is taking far too long to be dealt with and decided on. This, as in the case of all prisoners in the same situation, is completely unacceptable, and it remains the same situation as the one faced during the time that the Lavalas regime was in power.
An RNDDH delegation, granted special access accompanied by the Director of the Penitentiary Administration Authority (DAP), visited the new Penitentiary Annex on the morning of 27 April 2005. The purpose was to monitor the conditions, physical state of the building, and the situation of individuals being detained there. We observed the detention of five (5 individuals : Yvon Neptune, Amanus Amayette, Jackson Joanis, Louis Jodel Chamblain, and Jacques Mathélier. Unfortunately the delegation was unable to see Mr. Neptune as he was being consulted by a delegation of doctors from the International Red Cross. However, the Director of DAP confided that Mr. Neptune's health was extremely precarious.
On 30 April, the government was prepared to make arrangements to evacuate Mr. Neptune to the Dominican Republic to receive medical treatment. Mr. Neptune refused to go unless the government dismissed all charges against him. As this was not one of the options being presented by the government, Mr. Neptune was never evacated.
It is RNDDH's sincere hope that the government reacts swiftly and appropriately in ensuring that the Mr. Neptune's situation does not worsen, taking the necessary measures to save his life.
Committment to the Stuggle
As an organisation engaged in the struggle for the protection and respect of the rights of all people, one of RNDDH's concerns is the respect of the rights of those being detained in prison. We believe that pressure must be placed on the government to ensure that fundamental rights are respected throughout the country.
RNDDH is disturbed that the greatest demand of the Haitian people – forj ustice - is being ignored by a government ruling in a country where murder, crime, and human rights violations are commonplace. RNDDH renews its committment to the human rights struggle in Haiti and its dedication to witnessing the day when Haitian mothers no longer weep over their sons' mutilated bodies trying to make sense of the senseless work of politically motivated police officers ; when justice is not for sale, and murderers, drug dealers, and rapists pay their debt to society ; when those incarcerated in Haitian prisons are treated with the full respect and dignity that is owed them ; and the day when all Haitians live in a culture of tolerance and human rights where those rights are known and are fully enjoyed by each and every Haitian.
Pierre Esperance

Sunday, May 08, 2005

More arms no solution for Haiti

More arms no solution for Haiti
By ROBERT MUGGAH
Thursday, April 7, 2005
Globe and Mail

Flying in the face of a promising recovery strategy, the United States
has quietly begun shipping arms to Haiti's interim government, despite a
13-year arms embargo on the Caribbean nation. The new arms are meant to
brace up a shaky security force, but the reality is that they could
actually undermine security by jeopardizing an innovative disarmament
effort just getting under way.

The island is increasingly in chaos. Armed militia and former army
soldiers terrorize the countryside and urban slums with impunity. More
than 1,000 people have been killed since fighting began in late 2003,
and several hundred since Jean-Bertrand Aristide was ousted as president
in February of 2004. Fiefdoms controlled by various armed factions have
emerged throughout the country, reminiscent of Iraq and Afghanistan.

Large sections of the capital, already unstable, are now no-go areas,
with protests regularly turning violent. The UN multinational
stabilization mission has not dramatically improved the situation since
its arrival last June. Hampered by a shortfall of personnel, the full
contingent only arrived in December. Haiti's interim government and many
bilateral donors are growing impatient. About $1.1-billion in
international aid offered in July by 13 donor countries cannot be
disbursed.

Guns are already omnipresent in Haiti, with illegal weapons flowing into
the country regularly. A study by our Small Arms Survey identified the
presence of illegal weapons from more than a dozen countries. A large
number of arms is known to have been shipped in from gun dealers in
Florida. Jamaica and the Dominican Republic are also notorious sources
of guns, and narco-traffickers who distribute weapons to intermediaries
and armed gangs are known to use Haiti as a transit point for at least
10 per cent of the cocaine now entering the United States.

As troubling as illicit trafficking, however, is the leakage of weapons
from national police and former army officers into the hands of
criminals and insurgents. This is a result of contradictory ties of
allegiance within the security sector itself. The new police force
includes former army officers who are openly sympathetic to the
insurgency, which is led by the onetime police commissioner of Gonaïves,
Guy Philippe.

Now, the United States has provided almost $7-million (U.S.) in new
weapons for the Haitian security sector. Given the instability of the
interim government and its security forces, and the popularity of the
rebellion in some areas, some of those weapons will undoubtedly be
circulated among the population.

That would be most unfortunate.

The UN is now adopting a new and radical approach to disarming and
reintegrating the many armed groups in Haiti. The program does more than
just pay for weapons, giving equal attention to reconfiguring behaviour
and attitudes toward weapons.

By educating people about the dangers of militarization, the UN effort
aims to reshape their preferences for guns. Small-scale credit,
vocational training and communal development projects, such as health
clinics and schools, are possible incentives for voluntary disarmament.
It is only by working with communities that the seeds of sustainable
security can be sown.

The new disarmament program is built on the understanding that
demilitarizing the minds of civilians is as important as collecting the
weapons themselves. It is the right approach and it can succeed if given
the opportunity.

That means increasing the efforts to reduce the flow of weapons into the
country. The United States, Canada and its multilateral partners should
step up interdiction to end illicit trafficking from U.S. shores and
elsewhere. It should no longer be possible for weapons purchased in
downtown Miami gun shops to reappear in the streets of Port-au-Prince.

Similarly, it is damaging to disarmament efforts to supply an unstable
security sector with new weaponry when we know that some of those
weapons will almost certainly end up in insurgent and criminal hands.
The U.S. embargo should remain in force without exception.

It is time to recognize that true peace in Haiti will not come from the
barrel of guns, but from disarmament, dialogue and development.

Robert Muggah is project manager of the Small Arms Survey at the
Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva